Mexico declared its independence on September 16, 1810, a decision formally recognized on September 27, 1821. Following the war with the United States in 1846, Mexico ceded half of its territory to the U.S. France invaded Mexico in the 19th century, and in 1861 Maximilian I ascended the throne, establishing the Second Mexican Empire. By 1884, Porfirio Díaz came to power. The repression of the Díaz regime was brought to an end by the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920).

 

After one of the revolution’s leaders, Emiliano Zapata, was assassinated in a plot, the peoples living in southern Mexico remained largely unorganized for many years. Governments changed repeatedly, yet the situation of the southern populations did not improve. The people were forced to work like slaves on lands that had been confiscated from them. Chiapas, the largest state in the south, became one of the poorest regions as a result of these policies.

 

THE ZAPATISTAS EMERGE

 

An uprising began against the practices and discrimination directed at Indigenous peoples: the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Named after Emiliano Zapata, one of the leaders of the Mexican Revolution, the organization was founded in the Lacandon Jungle in 1983. It was built on the principle that the people’s word and decisions are decisive.

 

On January 1, 1994, the day the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between the U.S., Canada, and Mexico came into force, the EZLN launched an uprising by taking control of several municipalities in Chiapas, initiating a struggle against the Mexican state. The EZLN described this uprising as “a war against oblivion.” The clashes lasted 12 days.

 

As repression intensified, then-President Carlos Salinas de Gortari declared a ceasefire on January 12. Dozens of people on both sides were killed during the clashes. On January 13, the EZLN announced that it accepted the mediation of Bishop Samuel Ruiz.

 

FIRST CONTACT

 

As a gesture of goodwill, the EZLN released General Absalón Castellanos, whom it had taken hostage. The Mexican federal government appointed Undersecretary Manuel Camacho Solís on January 18, 1994, as its spokesperson for negotiations. Thus, on February 21, 1994, the first verbal contact, known as the “San Cristóbal de Las Casas Cathedral Dialogues”, began between the EZLN and the Mexican state.

 

In the first round of talks, the participants included Camacho Solís on behalf of the government, Bishop Samuel Ruiz on behalf of the Catholic Church, and 18 guerrillas from the EZLN, including Subcomandante Marcos. The process ended on March 2 with both sides expressing satisfaction. However, the EZLN delegation stated that they themselves were not the final decision-makers and would consult the peasants. This stance further increased public sympathy for the EZLN.

 

NATIONAL CONGRESS

 

Following the assassination of peace-oriented PRI presidential candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio on March 23, while he was campaigning, the EZLN announced that it was suspending negotiations. Without returning to armed struggle, the Zapatistas called on the Mexican people to establish a new national dialogue centered on democracy, freedom, and justice. With the Second Declaration issued on June 10, 1994, they called for a “National Democratic Convention” (Convención Nacional Democrática-CND).

 

This move made the Mexican people direct stakeholders in the peace process. The National Democratic Convention convened on August 6–9 with the participation of 6,000 delegates from 31 states, 700 journalists from 21 countries, and 200 visitors and observers. Thousands of people from across Mexico and the world who came to Chiapas, one of the country’s poorest regions, witnessed for the first time the poverty and deprivation in which Indigenous communities lived.

 

After the gathering, the Indigenous struggle for rights gained greater prominence both nationally and internationally. Although the CND did not endorse any party in the August 21 elections, it organized numerous events and publications openly criticizing the ruling party. This contributed to the PRI’s loss of votes and weakening representation in parliament.

 

The 1994 elections marked the beginning of the process leading toward the construction of Zapatista autonomy. The EZLN declared that it did not recognize the election results in Chiapas.

 

WOMEN LED THE RESISTANCE

 

During the election period, military deployments were sent to the Las Cañadas region, where EZLN military leaders were based, and entry to and exit from Zapatista villages was restricted. The EZLN General Command announced a military campaign to break the siege. Following mass actions initiated by Indigenous communities, security forces withdrew from Zapatista areas. Indigenous women played a leading role in this civil resistance. In the subsequent period, women’s role within the Zapatista movement grew exponentially, and they became central actors in the construction of Zapatista autonomy.

 

SAN ANDRÉS PEACE ACCORDS

 

On December 24, 1994, the Mexican state once again invited the EZLN to the negotiating table. The government established the National Mediation Commission (CONAI), chaired by Bishop Samuel Ruiz. While negotiations were expected to begin, the government of President Ernesto Zedillo carried out raids on Zapatista villages and issued arrest warrants for EZLN commanders.

 

Protests intensified in Mexico City. In response, the Mexican Chamber of Deputies passed the Law for Dialogue, Reconciliation, and a Dignified Peace in Chiapas on March 10, 1995. This law provided the legal basis for the second round of peace talks between the Mexican federal government and the EZLN, known as the San Andrés negotiations. Within this framework, the Commission for Concord and Pacification (COCOPA) was established to conduct negotiations on behalf of the government.

 

Peace talks officially began on April 9, 1995, in the village of San Miguel in Ocosingo, with the participation of COCOPA, Bishop Samuel Ruiz representing CONAI, and the EZLN delegation.

 

THE PROCESS OF SELF-CONSTRUCTION

 

Within the framework of “negotiation and dialogue with the government,” six main topics were placed on the agenda: “Indigenous rights and culture,” “Democracy and justice,” “Well-being and development,” “Indigenous women’s rights,” “Reconciliation and resolution,” and “The end of hostilities.”

 

“Indigenous rights and culture” constituted the primary negotiating table; the others were to follow based on decisions taken there. However, within the San Andrés process, only this first table was negotiated. The talks in San Cristóbal de Las Casas concluded with the signing of the San Andrés Accords on February 16, 1996. The agreement envisaged the recognition of Indigenous peoples’ identity, culture, and collective rights.

 

The Mexican state, however, failed to implement the agreement. Constitutional reforms were not enacted, and provisions on Indigenous autonomy were left in limbo. This stance led the Zapatistas to make a strategic decision not to wait for solutions from the central government.

 

Despite the non-implementation of the San Andrés Accords, the EZLN did not return to armed conflict. Instead, it shifted the struggle to the civil and social sphere. Moving from the “era of words” to the “era of action,” the Zapatistas launched a process of building de facto autonomy. “Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities” (MAREZ) were declared in Chiapas, followed by the establishment of “Good Government Councils” (Juntas de Buen Gobierno). These structures developed independent systems in education, health, justice, and production. Operating under the principle that “those who command obey,” decisions are taken in popular assemblies.

 

Although pressures on local communities have not entirely ceased, the Zapatistas continue their struggle on all fronts. The Zapatista experience is one of the clearest examples showing that peace should not be understood merely as the silence of guns, but as the reorganization of social life. Rather than integrating into the state, the Zapatistas have forged a non-state path to resolution, demonstrating that peace can be built not only at the negotiating table, but in the everyday lives of the people.

 

Tomorrow: PKK: Half-century-long armed struggle

 

MA / Berivan Altan